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Lifting the Iraq Embargo
After Almost 2 Million Deaths
What
Have We Learned From the Embargo's Lessons?
Last Update: May 28, 2003
On May 22, 2003, the United Nations Security Council
passed resolution 1483 finally lifting the 12-year embargo on Iraq. The
United Nations had imposed a comprehensive ban on trade with Iraq on
August 6, 1990, under resolution 661, amounting to a complete siege on the
country. The embargo was then enforced by a military land, air, and sea
blockade. This blockade continued until the end of the recent 2003 war,
with land border checkpoints in Jordan, naval interdiction of ships, and
no-fly zones imposed in the north and south of the country.
After
the imposition of the embargo, a devastating bombing campaign against Iraq
in 1991 destroyed the country's civilian infrastructure (water, sewage,
and electrical power infrastructure, among other sectors). Much of the
diseases rampant in Iraq are due to the destruction of the civilian
infrastructure and lack of spare parts in the 1991 war. Some of which was
modestly repaired between 1991 and 2003, was destroyed again in the 2003
war. Contaminated drinking water and lack of electricity for hospitals are
a major cause of the suffering for Iraq’s twenty five million people
today.
In addition, the depleted uranium (DU) shells used in both
the 1991 and 2003 wars have caused a significant increase in
radiation-related cancers and birth defects. Iraq still does not have the
necessary tools (primarily due to the embargo) to clean up the DU
contamination.
What Was Destroyed in War
The 2003
war can only be a continuation of what happened in 1991, since the 12-year
embargo did not allow the rebuilding of what was destroyed then. The 1991
war destroyed or severely damaged the following sectors of the civilian
infrastructure, and the 12-year embargo prevented its the proper
reconstruction:
1). Drinking water infrastructure
2). Sewage
system
3). Electrical power grid
4). National healthcare
infrastructure (more than 100 hospitals and healthcare centers
destroyed)
5) National education system (over 4,000 schools,
institutes, colleges, universities destroyed)
6). Transportation
sector (air traffic banned, sea vessels damaged, railroad cars &
trucks crumbling)
7). Telecommunications (telephone exchanges and
transmitters destroyed)
8). Textile and other light industries
(factories destroyed)
9). Pharmaceutical sector (factories
destroyed and components and ingredients banned by embargo)
10).
Social fabric and modernity (modern society reduced to sufficing with
obtaining food and medicine only)
Summary of the
Effects
According to the humanitarian reports, the ongoing
embargo imposed in 1990, coupled with the destruction caused by the 1991
Gulf war, has in turn directly caused the following:
1). As of
March 2003 (just prior to the war), between 1.7 and 2 million Iraqi
civilians have died due to malnutrition and disease, about 700,000 of them
are children. (Health Ministry documents under-5 and over-50 deaths due to
disease and/or malnutrition at 1.7 million. If over-5 and under-50 age
sectors are added, which is well over 500,000 deaths, that makes the total
number of deaths over 2 million. Estimates of deaths due to the 2003 war
range from 10,000 to 100,000.
2). Prior to the 2003 war, 1.5
million children were made orphans.
3). Prior to the 2003 war,
10,000 Iraqi civilians were dying every month (half of which were
children). That amounted to 333 deaths a day, or 14 deaths an hour. An
Iraqi civilian died from malnutrition and disease every 4 minutes. Since
the 2003 war caused even more destruction of the civilian infrastructure
(water, electricity, etc), coupled with the extensive of anti-personnel
cluster bombs dropped on Iraq, and the mass lootings of hospitals and
pharmacies, this average will be greatly skewed for the initial months
after the 2003 war, until such a time when the civilian infrastructure is
properly rebuilt.
4). The combination of the destruction of the
water pipes and the water pumping stations in the 1991 war and the looting
after the 2003 war, coupled with the lack of chlorine and electricity to
re-activate the pumps for over 12 years due largely to the embargo, all
make clean drinking water widely unavailable today in Iraq, and thereby
creating a dangerous recipe for a rapid spread of infectious diseases and
possible epidemics. Prior to 1990, over 90% of Iraqis has access to clean
drinking water, whereas it was between 33-50% just prior to the 2003 war
(1999 UN Report).
5). The destruction of the national medical
healthcare system has been one of the largest single contributors to the
death and disease in Iraq. Over 100 hospitals and healthcare centers were
destroyed in the 1991 war. Prior to 1990, over 90% of Iraqis had access to
high quality medical care, free of charge, whereas as the majority of
Iraqis lack it now (1999 UN Report).
6). The destruction of the
national school system in the 1991 war has caused a sharp decline in the
overall literacy rate. Half of Iraq's schools (4,000 out of 8,000) were
bombed. The remaining schools (4,000) sharply decayed and became
dilapidated due to the 12-year embargo. This lack of enough schools
coupled with Iraq's growing population, made the problem even worse. When
Iraq had over 8,000 functioning schools in 1990, the country's population
was about 18 million. Now that Iraq's population is well over 25 million,
the number of functioning schools is less than a quarter of what it was in
1990. This severe shortage of schools has caused a sharp increase in the
illiteracy rate and led to children wondering in the streets. Prior to
1990, over 80% of Iraqis could read and write, whereas now the school
attendance is almost 50% (1999 UN report).
7). Prior to the 2003
war, the local Iraqi currency (dinar) had been decimated as a result of
U.S. counterfeiting efforts, the 1991 destruction of the civilian
infrastructure, and the 12-year embargo which banned foreign (hard)
currency from legally entering the country. The combination of the
counterfeiting, bombing, and embargo has caused the value of the dinar to
drop from its original value of just over three dollars to being worth
1/20th of a cent (20 dinars makes a cent), just prior to the 2003
war.
8). Prior to the fall of the former government, Iraq was
essentially a massive welfare state. The state employed over a million
people and provided food coupons for over 80% of Iraq's 25 million people.
The fall of the government meant the effective end of this welfare state.
In addition, the U.S. administration's firing of hundreds of thousands of
paid state employees has made the situation even worse. The government
employees, who were barely living above the starvation level, are now
unemployed and income-less.
9). Clearly the most short-sighted
decision taken yet by the U.S. administration in Baghdad was to totally
dissolve Iraq's military, leaving its employees with no compensation at
all. That decision meant that over half a million ex-military men with
left to starve, along with their families. Since the typical Iraqi family
is made of at least five members, that meant at least 2.5 million Iraqis
were left to starve. What would prevent these starving men from armed
revolt to avoid starvation? Anyone with some common sense would have
devised a plan to either retire these men with some type of retirement
income to prevent them from starving and revolting, or offering them new
jobs as policemen or the like, similar to what the U.S. military did with
the former Japanese soldiers after World War 2 in Vietnam. This decision
is indeed a recipe for disaster.
Unfortunately Iraq is to remain a
military occupied zone for the forseeable future. The new UN Security
Council resolution 1483, in essence handed the administration of Iraq to
the U.S. and Britain "as occupying powers under unified command [now
called] (the 'Authority')." It also states that other countries "now or in
the future may work under the Authority…by contributing personnel,
equipment, and other resources under the Authority."
Although, the
resolution calls for "a process leading to an internationally recognized,
representative government of Iraq," it does not place any time limits or
bench marks for this to happen. In other words, the U.S. and British
military occupation can take as long as they want to before forming a new
Iraqi government. And although paragraph 25 calls for a "review [of] the
implementation of this resolution within twelve months of adoption," it
does not specifically place any deadlines whatsoever to establish an Iraqi
government. In other words, Iraq is now the property of the U.S. and
British militaries, with no deadline or specified timeframe of when
Iraq can be free and independent.
The text referring to the lifting
of the 12-year embargo is in paragraphs 10 and 16 of resolution 1483,
which specifically voided the original embargo resolution 661 of 1990 and
the so-called "oil-for-food" resolution 986 of 1995, which allowed the UN
to control Iraq's oil exports. The resolution honored the current 6-month
UN oil plan, but specifically dissolved the UN oil program and handed over
all responsibility and monies over to the newly formed Development Bank
administered by the US and British military authority.
A very
strange paragraph in this resolution obliges Iraq to continuing paying 5%
of its oil revenues to the 1991 war compensation fund. According to the
UN's official website as of 5-20-2003, Iraq has already paid almost 20
billion dollars to this compensation fund established under resolution 687
in 1991.
Resolution 986 of 1995 originally ordered Iraq to pay
one-third of its UN oil plan to this compensation fund. This 33% percent
of Iraq's oil revenue was paid from December 1996 until December 2000.
After December 2000, the percentage was changed to 25%. The latest
resolution, 1483, now sets this compensation to 5%.
Since Iraq
already has paid almost 20 billion dollars to a host of nations and
multinational corporations, why is Iraq still ordered to pay this
compensation, especially when Iraq badly needs the money to repair its
civilian infrastructure still suffering from the 1991 war? Further, since
the UN did NOT authorize the 2003 war, thereby making it an illegal war,
why should Iraq be forced to continue pay compensation, when it itself
deserves compensation for being attacked in the 2003 war?
The
ironic part in all this is the original embargo resolution 661 of 1990
stated that it would be lifted after Iraq left Kuwait. After the 1991 war,
the conditions for lifting the embargo were the so-called "weapons of mass
destruction." The 12-year embargo was maintained and justified by this
unsubstantiated excuse. It is quite clear now after the 2003 war that
those weapons were destroyed immediately after the 1991 war. The reason
why the U.S. and British military failed to prove or find any prohibited
weapons in Iraq, after the 2003 invasion, was because there weren't any.
The 2003 war clearly proved what earlier UN reports and weapons inspectors
like Scott Ritter had said all along, that Iraq destroyed its weapons in
the early years after the 1991 war, and that Iraq was effectively disarmed
by the mid-1990's.
In other words, the excuse of "weapons of mass
destruction" used to maintain this crippling embargo for 12-years and then
to invade Iraq, was just that, an excuse, not backed up by any facts.
Twelve years of starvation and deprivation was justified by non-existent
weapons. Almost 2 million Iraqis died needlessly due to the embargo for an
imaginary excuse, called "weapons of mass destruction."
The 2003
war proved that the 12-year embargo itself was the only real weapon of
mass destruction in Iraq, a weapon that the Iraqi people are still paying
a high price for and still suffering from this failed policy built on
misinformation and/or disinformation.
This embargo has killed so many and devasted the lives of
almost all Iraqis. Almost everyone is in agreement that lifting the
embargo is a good thing. It is long overdue, but still a good thing.
Nevertheless the sufferings and injustices of the embargo has left a
permanent mark on Iraqi society. This should help explain the
phenomenon of why not many Iraqis are celebrating this long overdue
action.
Many Iraqis are asking "Who will compensate the families of
almost 2 million Iraqis who needlessly died for this terrible policy of
maintaining the embargo for 12 years?" That injustice remains as a legacy
for a failed policy that we as a nation should learn from, in order to
avoid similar mistakes in the future.
The most important lesson that we should learn from this
catastorphe is that embargos (sanctions) do NOT work to force behavioral
changes from governments, rather they only hurt and kill innocent
civilians. Let us hope we never again use embargos
(sanctions) as a tool of foreign policy.
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www.faair.org
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